The future of climate activism
Li Shuo on the surprising vitality of green activism in China
Even in places without much people power, championing environmentalism can work, says a Chinese Greenpeace campaigner
TO THE WESTERN observer, the words “green activism” and “China” might seem incompatible—and a Chinese observer would probably agree. This rare consensus strikes at the unavoidable truth that China is a party state. To Westerners, the lack of liberal democracy seems to remove the grounds for activism. To the Chinese citizen, an omnipresent and omnipotent system leaves little room for the public to step up.
But that view underestimates the power of the public and green groups in shaping China’s environmental agenda. These forces have played a critical role in the recent past. And in the near future, they desperately need to work again if the world is to keep global warming within 1.5°C.
The hallmark of green activists’ agenda-setting potential in China was a crisis over air pollution. Eight years ago, heavy smog regularly engulfed Beijing and other major cities, pushing air pollution well over ten times the levels recommended by health experts. The public openly questioned how the country ended up in such a dismal situation.
Environmental groups had timely answers. Testing, analysis of particulate matter (PM), identification of the pollutants’ source and well-communicated advice for people to protect themselves became available. Awareness campaigns helped people understand the severity of smog and led them to demand that the government monitor PM2.5—fine particles that are harmful to human health. Awareness led to more transparency (and transparency led to more awareness), creating positive feedback loops of better data and more ambition for action.
That led to China’s “silent spring” moment. Green groups helped the Chinese public shift not only their minds, but also their hearts. Citizens in Beijing began to worry about the well-being of themselves and their loved ones. They felt the issue personally in a way that no statistic could show. The subsequent “war against pollution” declared by Chinese leaders in 2014 reduced Beijing’s PM2.5 levels by almost 60% between 2013 and this year, a remarkable improvement.
The speed of China’s air-quality improvement offers some hope. Compared with air pollution, climate change is an even bigger challenge. But there are several essential differences between responding to air pollution and the climate crisis.
First, unlike air pollution, climate change is a slow-onset event. Even though we are clearly feeling the impact of it, climate change doesn’t offer the dramatic visuals at the frequency and proximity to population centres that Beijing’s airpocalypse did.
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Second, air pollution is a local problem. China has all the selfish reasons to act on it. Climate change is a global challenge. It will undoubtedly wreak havoc in China. But the incentives to solve it are lessened when China’s relationship with the West is uneasy.
Third, social and political conditions in China have changed over the last ten years. Social media was a critical element in generating public momentum on air pollution. But it is under stricter control now, as are civil-society activities.
The greater difficulty posed by climate change is all the more reason why public opinion and green activism are needed. When it comes to decarbonisation, no country can manage it without the support of its citizens. The recent power crisis in China offers some evidence of that. Even though China’s environmental ambition has nothing to do with the energy shortage—it was caused by coal-supply problems from mine closures, as well as volatile power demand owing to the pandemic and extreme weather—the perception that coal guarantees energy security, and that environmental measures are against it, make commitments to stronger climate targets more difficult to achieve.
I believe green groups should focus on three issues to address the climate crisis. These issues correspond to the environmental, diplomatic and economic drivers that have propelled China’s climate action.
First, green groups should focus on the impact of climate change and help the public understand the risks. Quick breakthroughs such as the national awakening on air pollution in 2013 might be hard to recreate, but a steady buildup of public knowledge could help trigger eventual policy responses. The good news is the country is moving closer to the tipping point. When almost a year’s amount of rain fell in just 24 hours in the city of Zhengzhou this summer, how can anyone avoid the question of why it happened?
Second, campaigners should help cultivate a sense of global solidarity among the Chinese public. Better domestic and global politics are key ingredients for climate action. But as China’s relationship with the West deteriorates, the country is becoming nationalistic and inward-looking. Advocates need to help the country understand that, as the aphorism goes, with power comes responsibility. Admittedly, creating a better atmosphere for co-operation between China and the West is a daunting task. But the climate community needs to do what is within its power.
Chinese climate experts are involved in conversations with their Western counterparts. This effort should be supported and extended to partners in the developing world. Environmental groups have worked with university students to design “model UN” programmes, an investment that will bear fruit over time in strengthening awareness of international rules and global environmental issues among Chinese youth. Climate change is fortunately the issue least affected by geopolitics. This should not be taken for granted. More progress is needed to keep it that way.
Third, climate groups need to shift from campaigns that call out ills—say, over coal, plastic waste, plantation farming—to campaigns that push for solutions. Almost a decade ago, Greenpeace China (where I manage the climate and energy programme), pioneered one of the first rooftop solar projects in Beijing, by financing and installing the kit, when such projects were rare in China.
Our activists had to become project developers and feel the real challenge and constraints on decentralised energy. Along the way, we made policy recommendations that helped improve the incentives and approval process of such projects. Today, Greenpeace China incubates clean energy startups by offering experience on innovative business models to scale-up distributed renewable energy.
These humble efforts are far from solving the climate crisis but they highlight the crucial role that green activists can play in fostering China’s social conscience on climate change, facilitating international dialogue and equipping economic solutions for climate action to happen.
Given China’s scale and its carbon footprint, we will have no other choice but to make these ideas and others work. Even if partial progress is made, that might be something to inspire the world. By then, green activism may indeed be a universal concept for both China and the West.■
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Li Shuo is a senior global policy adviser at Greenpeace China.